Confession at center of Doody retrial
A speedy fair trial in the Buddhist Tempe murders??? Don't make me laugh
Yea, sure, you are entitled to a fair speedy trial. After 22 years Jonathan Doody might get a fair trial, but certainly not a speedy trial.
1) The confessions from the four Tucson kids (Mike McGraw, Leo Bruce, Mark Nunez, and Dante Parker) were almost certainly obtained using the "9 Step Reid Method". The "9 Step Reid Method" is just an improved form of beating people with rubber hoses to get confessions. The "9 Step Reid Method" replaces real rubber hoses with psychological rubber hoses. Innocent people routinely make false confessions when integrated with the "9 Step Reid Method".
The Tucson kids were released after spending a year in the Maricopa County jail when it was discovered that Alessandro Garcia and Jonathan Doody had the gun that the murders were committed with.
The Tucson kids later received settlements from Maricopa County for false arrest.
2) The confessions from Alessandro Garcia and Jonathan Doody were also almost certainly obtained using the "9 Step Reid Method". Again the "9 Step Reid Method" is a lot like beating people with psychological rubber hoses to get a confession. And again innocent people routinely make false confessions when integrated with the "9 Step Reid Method".
3) I not joking about this, but the Tucson kids were arrested when the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office got a tip from Mike McGraw, a guy in a mental institution in Tucson, who said he know who committed the murders in Phoenix. Yes, a tip from a guy in a nut house in Tucson, who out of the blue called the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office and said he knew who committed the worst murders in the history of Maricopa County.
The 4 kids from Tucson were taken to Phoenix by the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office where they were coerced into giving false confessions.
Source
Confession at center of Doody retrial
Jonathan Doody’s earlier murder convictions were overturned.
By Laurie Merrill The Republic | azcentral.com Tue Aug 13, 2013 1:24 AM
The murders 22 years ago of nine people at a West Valley Buddhist temple stand as one of the most brazen and shocking cases in Arizona history.
On Aug. 10, 1991, investigators found six monks, a nun and two helpers lying facedown and grouped together in a circle, their heads pointing inward like spokes in a wheel, at the Wat Promkunaram Temple in Waddell. Some of their hands were clasped in prayer. They were drenched in blood from head wounds made by .22-caliber bullets and shotgun blasts to torsos, arms and legs.
Six people confessed to the crimes under intense interrogation, and two West Valley teens were convicted of the murders in 1993. One pleaded guilty, the other was found guilty by a jury.
On Monday, five years after his conviction was overturned, Johnathan Doody’s retrial began with jury selection in Maricopa County Superior Court. A panel of about 150 potential jurors was whittled to 46. Jury selection continues today.
This time, defense attorney Maria Schaffer said, “we intend to show that Mr. Doody was not present during the murders.”
“He was not there,” she said.
Doody was 17 when he was arrested in the case in October 1991. Doody, now 39, has been incarcerated ever since.
It’s a case that forever changed police-interrogation techniques and the face of Arizona politics, Schaffer said.
It helped elect Sheriff Joe Arpaio to his first term in office in 1992, she said. He campaigned on the claim that he would not extract confessions the way his rival, then-Sheriff Tom Agnos, reportedly did.
Sheriff’s investigators under Agnos took thousands of photos and fingerprints.
Their first solid lead, a September 1991 tip, resulted in the arrests of five men in Tucson. Four confessed and became known as the “Tucson Four.”
Investigators pleaded, cajoled, threatened and lied to them until they were willing to say anything, reports say.
Those confessions were found to be false about a month later, when investigators tied a .22-caliber gun to the murders. It was a gun none of the four owned.
The weapon was linked to Alessandro “Alex” Garcia and to Doody, then a high-school junior. Investigators approached Doody during a football game. He went with them willingly.
Doody was subjected to a 12-hour interrogation by officers who used the same techniques on Doody that they used to get false confessions from the Tucson Four, according to Alan Dershowitz, Doody’s then-attorney.
“They used every trick in the book,” Dershowitz said several years ago. “They denied him the right to have a parent there. They created the circumstances for false confession, and they got it — a false confession.”
Garcia also confessed. He later pleaded guilty in a plea bargain that allowed him to avoid the death penalty if he testified against Doody. He was sentenced to 271 years in prison, 10 fewer than Doody’s sentence of 281 years.
In 2008, 15 years after Doody was found guilty, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals overturned his conviction, ruling that his confession was coerced. The Arizona Attorney General’s Office appealed, but the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the case, paving the way for Doody’s retrial.
In the years since the first trial, six witnesses have died, Schaffer said. The key to the prosecution case, Garcia, is in prison, Schaffer said. “Basically, what we are going to tell the jurors is that Garcia is not truthful,” Schaffer said.
The Maricopa County Prosecutor’s Office declined to comment Monday.
Opening arguments are scheduled for Aug. 21.
Here is a quote from the following article on the big break in the case which was a call from a Tucson mental institution.
"Then, one month after the killings came what seemed like the big break. Tucson mental-hospital patient Mike McGraw, 24, on Sept. 10, 1991, called sheriff's investigators. He said he knew who had done it and he named names.
Soon, Tucson police had picked up McGraw and several friends: Leo Bruce, then 28, Mark Nunez, 19, Dante Parker, 20, and Victor Zarate, 28. All were taken to Phoenix and grilled from 9 p.m. to dawn daily, from Sept. 11 to Sept. 13."
Source
Valley Buddhist temple massacre has had lasting impact
by William Hermann - Aug. 14, 2011 12:00 AM
The Arizona Republic
The slaying 20 years ago of nine people at a West Valley Buddhist temple, while tragic in its own right, also changed the face of Arizona politics and still shines a light on the issue of police interrogation techniques.
Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio may well owe his first election victory, in 1992, to then-Sheriff Tom Agnos' staff bungling the investigation into the Aug. 9, 1991, murders at the Wat Promkunaram Temple. Arpaio has become a key figure in Arizona politics, using his influence to get others elected and playing a key role in making illegal immigration a state and national issue.
The legacy of the murders also lives on in Arizona police agencies, where detectives interrogating suspects strive not to make the mistakes sheriff's investigators made 20 years ago.
Early on, detectives threatened, pressured and coerced four innocent men into false confessions, then used the same tactics with two other suspects.
The result: A guilty man who confessed and went to prison may yet go free.
The monks who live, pray and teach at Wat Promkunaram, meanwhile, will hold a prayer service Aug. 27 for the six Buddhist monks, a nun and two acolytes who were brutally murdered at the temple in the community of Waddell on that night 20 years ago.
A frenzied scene
Russell Kimball, then-homicide chief for the Sheriff's Office, remembers the frenzy at the crime scene.
"It was like an armed camp out there - everybody who was anybody in law enforcement wanted a part of it," he said. "The media was everywhere; it couldn't have been a higher-profile case."
Investigators found nine victims lying face down and grouped together, their heads pointing inward like spokes in a wheel. Some had their hands clasped in prayer. The carpet was bloody from head wounds made by .22-caliber bullets and shotgun blasts to torsos, arms and legs.
Sheriff's detectives over six days did exhaustive crime-scene work, taking thousands of photographs and fingerprints and making scores of diagrams.
"We collected every shell casing, took down walls and took the carpet out," Kimball said. "We also set up a multiagency task force. We soon had 221 people from 21 agencies on the case, and all done under constant pressure."
Despite an exhaustive investigation, weeks went by without a solid lead. Then, one month after the killings came what seemed like the big break. Tucson mental-hospital patient Mike McGraw, 24, on Sept. 10, 1991, called sheriff's investigators. He said he knew who had done it and he named names.
Soon, Tucson police had picked up McGraw and several friends: Leo Bruce, then 28, Mark Nunez, 19, Dante Parker, 20, and Victor Zarate, 28. All were taken to Phoenix and grilled from 9 p.m. to dawn daily, from Sept. 11 to Sept. 13.
Kimball said the investigators pleaded, cajoled, threatened and lied.
"It was so frenetic, 'You do this and I do that,' and we used tag-team tactics," he said. "Worse, we had people who'd never done murder interrogations, or even major crimes, before working those guys."
Among the mistakes made by interrogators, Kimball said, was, "they fed information about the case to them, and a trained homicide investigator would not do that."
The suspects' resistance only added pressure.
"We hammered on those guys until we broke their will, it was as simple and bad as that," he said. "After a while they were willing to say anything."
The defendants buckle
Beaten down and exhausted, four of the defendants began to tell the detectives what they believed they wanted to hear, and because they'd been given information about the murders, they gave details that seemed damning.
"Obviously they talked - because of the pressure," Kimball said. "A suspect has been up for hours and everything starts breaking down. The suspect gets to a place where they just submit, say anything the detectives want, just to stop the pressure."
One man didn't break. Zarate maintained his innocence and was released.
Then-County Attorney Rick Romley charged McGraw, Bruce, Parker and Nunez with nine counts each of first-degree murder.
But once the "Tucson Four" had a few days to rest and think about what had happened to them, they recanted, saying they were coerced. But investigators were certain the crime was solved.
Then, on Oct. 23, they got a fateful phone call.
The Arizona Department of Public Safety crime lab had identified the murder weapon: a .22-caliber rifle that didn't belong to any of the Tucson men. It belonged to a boy named Rolando Caratachea Jr., then 16.
The rifle had been found Aug. 21 when Caratachea and his friend, Johnathan Doody, 17, were stopped by Luke Air Force Base police. Task-force investigators had learned about the stop, picked up the rifle on Sept. 10 and talked with Doody, who said that he and friend Alessandro Garcia, 16, had fired it several times together. All three young men lived in the West Valley.
But that line of investigation stopped, because Sept. 10 was the day Mike McGraw made his call from Tucson. The rifle sat in a detective's office for weeks before being tested.
A new theory
Once investigators learned it was one of the murder weapons, Caratachea, Doody and Garcia were picked up for questioning. They were put in adjoining interrogation rooms. Detectives went to work on them, sure they were part of a murder crew involving the Tucson men.
Valley lawyer and author Gary L. Stuart, who long has been absorbed by the case, said that when he began to write about it he planned to concentrate on how improper interrogation techniques can elicit false confessions.
"In my first two years of research that's what I focused on," he said. "Then I realized the story was at least as much about coercing true confessions as coercing false confessions."
Stuart points out in his 2010 book "Innocent Until Interrogated" that "when the detectives who had questioned the Tucson Four got their hands on Doody, Caratachea and Garcia, they used their old playbook."
Garcia succumbed to interrogators, who told him he could escape execution if he gave them Doody. Garcia admitted being at the temple that night and said Doody shot the monks with the .22, while he blasted them with a shotgun.
The heat was turned up on Doody.
"Doody was subjected to intense interrogation by the same group of officers, using the same techniques that they had earlier successfully used to break down the Tucson Four," Stuart said.
"Doody was arrested at 9:30 p.m. on a Friday night, put in a holding cell until midnight and then they started the interrogation," Stuart said. "It went all night, and by 6 a.m. the next morning he is starting to be incoherent - you can hear it on the tape. He is crying and petrified, he has two adults playing the 'good cop, bad cop' routine. He was in there almost 13 hours."
Different suspect, same tactics
Kimball says now, "It was the same old thing."
"You have (the interrogating detective) begging Johnathan to tell you the truth, and you could feel him not wanting to surrender," Kimball said. "But he finally did surrender; was broken."
Doody admitted he'd gone to the temple that night with Garcia. He didn't admit to shooting anyone. Still, what he said was enough to eventually convict him - and to convince Romley that the Tucson Four case "was just all wrong."
"I had questions about the Tucson men even before Doody and Garcia's interrogations," Romley said.
"I began to review the materials, and inconsistencies started popping up. It just didn't hold together. I talked to Tom Agnos and said I was dismissing the charges against the Tucson Four. It was a difficult conversation."
The Tucson Four were released Nov. 22, 1991. All but McGraw sued the county. In 1994, Leo Bruce and Mark Nunez got $1.1 million each. Dante Parker got $240,000.
Doody and Garcia were tried in 1993. Doody did not testify. His statement that he was at the temple the night of the killings, and Garcia's testimony that he and Doody carried out the killings, were enough to convict them of nine counts of first-degree murder.
On Feb. 11, 1994, Doody was sentenced to 281 years in prison. On July 15, 1994, Garcia got 271 years. For Garcia, who had readily confessed, appeals of the sentence seemed useless.
Not so for Doody.
The case had drawn national attention. Doody's treatment at the hands of interrogators brought Alan Dershowitz, a nationally known attorney, to his side.
In 1995, Dershowitz, working with lawyer Peter Balkan in Phoenix, argued to the Arizona Court of Appeals that Doody was wrongfully deprived of his father's presence during the interrogation. He also argued that the Miranda warning against self-incrimination was improperly administered and that Doody's confession was not voluntary.
There began the appeals that continue to this day, though now near resolution.
Legal challenges ongoing
In May, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Doody's confession, elicited over 12 hours of questioning, was illegally coerced. On Aug. 1, the Arizona Attorney General's Office petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court to reverse that decision. If the Supreme Court refuses, Doody must be retried or go free.
Stuart said Doody's confession never should have stood up in court.
"What the law requires is a standard of admissibility and evidence for a confession, and the test of admissibility is whether it was freely and voluntarily given by the defendant," Stuart said. "The standard is whether the defendant's will was overborne by the interrogator. Was he coerced into confessing?
"They coerced the Tucson Four, who were innocent, but in much the same way they coerced Doody, who is guilty," Stuart said. "It was coercion all the same, and that should make it inadmissible in court."
Stuart said the appellate ruling clarified "that the danger to society and constitutional mandates are every bit as important in true confessions as they are in false confessions."
If there is a broader legal legacy of the investigation, it is this: Detectives at Valley police agencies are now more mindful of their interrogation techniques.
Interestingly, the murders are not at all a searing topic at the temple where they all took place.
The day after the slayings, Buddhist monk Phrakru Widesbrommakun was called to Phoenix from a Los Angeles temple. He has been in Waddell ever since, now serving as abbot.
"I knew the people who were killed, and we still feel very sad here about it, of course," the monk said recently as he sat in the temple's dining hall. "But we do not have hatred about it. In that respect, we have forgotten what happened and cannot concern ourselves with it.
"We are about peace."
Two Powerful Signals of a Major Shift on Crime
Like the author of this article the webmaster welcomes these changes.
But unlike the author of the article, the webmaster thinks this is all talk
for political reasons and that very few, if any of these changes will actually
occur.
Black Americans were nearly four times as likely as whites to be arrested on charges of marijuana possession in 2010, even though the two groups used the drug at similar rates.
Source
Two Powerful Signals of a Major Shift on Crime
By CHARLIE SAVAGE and ERICA GOODE
Published: August 12, 2013
WASHINGTON — Two decisions Monday, one by a federal judge in New York and the other by Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., were powerful signals that the pendulum has swung away from the tough-on-crime policies of a generation ago.
Critics have long contended that draconian mandatory minimum sentence laws for low-level drug offenses, as well as stop-and-frisk police policies that target higher-crime and minority neighborhoods, have a disproportionate impact on members of minority groups. On Monday, Mr. Holder announced that federal prosecutors would no longer invoke the sentencing laws, and a judge found that stop-and-frisk practices in New York were unconstitutional racial profiling.
While the timing was a coincidence, Barbara Arnwine, the president of the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, said that the effect was “historic, groundbreaking, and potentially game-changing.”
“I thought that the most important significance of both events was the sense of enough is enough,” said Ms. Arnwine, who attended the speech in San Francisco where Mr. Holder unveiled the new Justice Department policy. “It’s a feeling that this is the moment to make needed change. This just can’t continue, this level of extreme heightened injustice in our policing, our law enforcement and our criminal justice system.”
A generation ago, amid a crack epidemic, state and federal lawmakers enacted a wave of tough-on-crime measures that resulted in an 800 percent increase in the number of prisoners in the United States, even as the population grew by only a third. The spike in prisoners centered on an increase in the number of African-American and Hispanic men convicted of drug crimes; blacks are about six times as likely as whites to be incarcerated.
But the crack wave has long since passed and violent crime rates have plummeted to four-decade lows, in the process reducing crime as a salient political issue. Traditionally conservative states, driven by a need to save money on building and maintaining prisons, have taken the lead in scaling back policies of mass incarceration. Against that backdrop, the move away from mandatory sentences and Judge Shira A. Scheindlin’s ruling on stop-and-frisk practices signaled that a course correction on two big criminal justice issues that disproportionately affect minorities has finally been made, according to the advocates who have pushed for those changes.
“I think that there is a sea change now of thinking around the impact of over-incarceration and selective enforcement in our criminal justice system on racial minorities,” said Vanita Gupta of the American Civil Liberties Union. “These are hugely significant and symbolic events, because we would not have either of these even five years ago.”
Michelle Alexander, an Ohio State University law professor who wrote “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,” an influential 2010 book about the racial impact of policies like stop-and-frisk and mandatory minimum drug sentences, said the two developments gave her a sense of “cautious optimism.”
“For those of us who have become increasingly alarmed over the years at the millions of lives that have been wasted due to the drug war and the types of police tactics that have been deployed in the get-tough-on-crime movement, today’s announcements give us fresh hope that there is, in fact, a growing public consensus that the path that we, the nation, have been on for the past 40 years has been deeply misguided and has caused far more harm and suffering than it has prevented,” she said.
But not everyone was celebrating. William G. Otis, a former federal prosecutor and an adjunct professor at Georgetown Law School, described Mr. Holder’s move as a victory for drug dealers that would incentivize greater sales of addictive contraband, and he suggested that the stop-and-frisk ruling could be overturned on appeal.
Mr. Otis also warned that society was becoming “complacent” and forgetting that the drug and sentencing policies enacted over the last three decades had contributed to the falling crime rates.
Yet Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, a Washington-based research group, said many police chiefs agreed that it was time to rethink mandatory sentencing for low-level drug offenses. And he said departments across the country would examine the stop-and-frisk ruling in New York “to see if their practices pass muster.”
But he added: “You can’t get away from the fact that in most large cities, crime is concentrated in poor areas which are predominantly minority. The question becomes, what tactics are acceptable in those communities to reduce crime? And there is a trade-off between the tactics that may be used and the issue of fairness.”
David Rudovsky, a civil rights lawyer in Philadelphia who has been involved in a lawsuit over stop-and-frisk in that city, said both Holder’s announcement and the ruling were “part of a national re-examination of criminal justice policy that has been spurred for the last 40 years by a fear of crime.”
As that fear has lessened, he added, there has been more room to be heard for critics who say that some policies have gone too far and may be counterproductive. Those critics cite the low rate of finding guns with stop-and-frisk actions, and say that the experience of being searched — and the consequences if drugs are discovered — alienate people in targeted communities, making them less willing to give the police information about more serious violent crimes.
“There was the thought that if we stop, frisk, arrest and incarcerate huge numbers of people, that will reduce crime,” Rudovsky said. “But while that may have had some effect on crime, the negative parts outweighed the positive parts.”
Critics have argued that aggressive policing in minority neighborhoods can distort overall crime statistics. Federal data show, for example, that black Americans were nearly four times as likely as whites to be arrested on charges of marijuana possession in 2010, even though the two groups used the drug at similar rates.
“There is just as much drugs going on in the Upper East Side of New York or Cleveland Park in D.C.,” said Jamie Fellner, a specialist on race and criminal drug law enforcement for Human Rights Watch, citing predominantly affluent and white neighborhoods. “But that is not where police are doing their searches for drugs.”
Alfred Blumstein, a Carnegie Mellon professor who has studied race and incarceration issues, said Mr. Holder’s speech and Judge Scheindlin’s stop-and-frisk ruling both addressed policies that “were attempts to stop crime, but they weren’t terribly effective.”
Together, he said, the events indicated that society was “trying to become more effective and more targeted and, in the process, to reduce the heavy impact on particularly African-Americans.”
Most people are in prison for victimless drug war crimes
After victimless drug war crimes most people are in prison for weapons violations